The war in Ukraine is less “surprising” to some who’ve seen it raging since 2014. Although it escalated greatly in 2022, the Ukraine war timeline ultimately dates back all the way to the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.
To understand the backstory — which is now inextricably intertwined with our own presidential history given the impeachment of Donald Trump over his phone calls with Zelensky to the Republican Party‘s current-day support of the aims of Vladimir Putin — we have to go back to a time when no one was stronger on anti-Russian policy than GOP darling Ronald Reagan.
1991 — Ukraine declares independence and becomes an independent entity after the fall of the Soviet Union
1994 — Ukraine agrees to give up its nuclear arsenal in exchange for a protection agreement with Russia, United States, Britain, and Ireland (Budapest Memorandum)
2004 — Viktor Yanukovich “wins” election under dubious circumstances and is deposed for a do over election, which he loses to Viktor Yuschenko (Orange Revolution)
2006 — Viktor Yanukovych begins working directly with Paul Manafort, in an effort to boost his image after his electoral loss. Manafort was known for his work helping the “Torturers’ Lobby” of brutal dictators around the world in the 1980s, with Roger Stone (another infamous dirty trickster best known for his role as a fixer for Richard Nixon).
2007 — Yanukovych’s Party of Regions does well in the Ukranian parliamentary elections, gaining a large number of seats credited to Manafort’s strategic advice about Western-style campaigning.
2010 — Yanukovych is elected President of Ukraine, again largely crediting Manafort’s strategies for his comeback.
Nov 2013 — Having promised a more European-style government in order to win the presidency in 2010, Yanukovych turned on his word and initiated more pro-Russian policies than the Ukranians had signed up for. Yanukovych is now beset by enormous public protests against the corruption of his regime, and his unilateral decision to abandon an association agreement with the EU in favor of a trade agreement with Russia (Maidan Revolution / Revolution of Dignity)
Feb 2014 — After a harrowing 93 days barricaded inside Kyiv’s Maidan Square, activists are victorious; Yanukovich is deposed and flees to Russia
Mar 2014 — Russian forces invade and annex the region of Crimea within Ukraine
Apr 2014 — Russian forces invade the Donetsk and Luhansk regions in eastern Ukraine, escalating a war that continues to this day and had already killed more than 14,000 people by the time the 2022 large scale invasion began
Apr 2014 — Hunter Biden and business partner Devon Archer join the board of Burisma
May 2014 — Candy magnate Petro Poroshenko succeeds Yanukovych as president of Ukraine
Right wing groups in America have long wielded disproportionate influence over political discourse, policy-making, and the judiciary — quietly but effectively steering the country toward a more authoritarian, corporate-driven agenda. Groups like the Federalist Society and Heritage Foundation operate as power brokers in the conservative ecosystem, funneling money and influence to shape not just elections, but the ideological future of the nation.
The Federalist Society, for example, has become a judicial kingmaker, successfully installing justices on the Supreme Court who subscribe to its narrow view of constitutional “originalism”—leading to landmark decisions like Dobbs v. Jackson, which rolled back reproductive rights in America. Meanwhile, Heritage’s Project 2025 serves as a blueprint for a far-right authoritarian takeover of federal agencies, ready to gut progressive reforms and install Christian nationalist ideology in their place.
But these are just a few key players in an ever-expanding web of right-wing groups. The National Rifle Association (NRA) remains a force in stoking fears around gun rights to mobilize voters, while Fox News continues to manipulate public discourse with fear-mongering and disinformation to drive its viewers further into a reactionary worldview. Behind the scenes, the Council for National Policy (CNP) operates as a shadowy network of conservative elites pulling the strings, and groups like the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) and Turning Point USA drive extremist policies at the state and grassroots levels.
Add to that the influence of organizations like the Family Research Council, Focus on the Family, and PragerU, and it becomes clear that right-wing power in America is deeply entrenched, feeding off the fear and division these groups systematically create. The stakes for democracy and the future of civil liberties couldn’t be higher.
One way to address the threat is to become familiar with it. Here is a cheatsheet to some of the most influential and notable right wing groups in operation today.
The Federalist Society
The Federalist Society is a powerful, right-wing legal organization that seeks to reshape the U.S. judiciary by advocating for originalism and textualism—the interpretation of the Constitution based on its supposedly “original” meaning (as interpreted by conservative judges, of course). Founded in 1982, this group has steadily gained influence by grooming conservative legal talent, promoting judges who share their philosophy, and challenging progressive legislation, with many of its members appointed to federal courts, including the Supreme Court.
Their ultimate goal is to roll back decades of civil rights protections, environmental regulations, and reproductive freedoms in favor of limited government (even ultra-limited government) and deregulated markets. Now led by conservative activist Leonard Leo, The Federalist Society’s growing clout can be seen in the success of getting their chosen justices onto the Supreme Court, paving the way for decisions like Dobbs v. Jackson, which overturned Roe v. Wade and set back reproductive rights in America by half a century. The organization’s influence has been particularly notable during Republican administrations, especially under former President Donald Trump, who appointed 3 of the Court’s 9 straight from the Federalist list.
A full two thirds of the current U.S. Supreme Court justices have been affiliated with or supported by The Federalist Society. These justices share the Society’s commitment to originalism and textualism, and many were recommended or championed by the organization during the judicial nomination process. The following 6 justices have ties to The Federalist Society:
John Roberts (Chief Justice) – Although not a formal member, Roberts has participated in Federalist Society events and has been described as ideologically aligned with the group’s principles.
Clarence Thomas – An advocate of originalism, Thomas has long been associated with the judicial philosophy promoted by The Federalist Society. He has spoken at their events and is widely seen as one of their intellectual leaders on the bench.
Samuel Alito – Like Roberts, Alito is not a formal member but has participated in Federalist Society activities and shares their conservative judicial outlook.
Neil Gorsuch – A formal member of The Federalist Society before his nomination, Gorsuch was strongly backed by the organization when he was selected to replace Antonin Scalia in 2017.
Brett Kavanaugh – Kavanaugh was supported by The Federalist Society throughout his career, and his nomination to the Supreme Court in 2018 was actively promoted by the group.
Amy Coney Barrett – A former member of The Federalist Society, Barrett was a professor at Notre Dame Law School, where she worked closely with the organization. She was nominated to the Supreme Court in 2020 to replace Ruth Bader Ginsburg.
The Heritage Foundation
The Heritage Foundation, founded in 1973, has long been a key architect of conservative policy in the United States. The Foundation’s efforts consistently push for policies that prioritize corporate interests, deregulation, and concentrated executive power, even at the expense of democratic institutions and processes.
Over the decades, The Heritage Foundation has become a significant force in shaping Republican legislative agendas, providing policy proposals to GOP lawmakers and conservative administrations since Ronald Reagan. However, this institutional influence has often facilitated the entrenchment of an authoritarian strain of right-wing ideology that has now metasticized into the body politic.
The social network formerly known as Twitter, now known as X, has been through some things — including a rocky change of ownership 2 years ago. At the time, the person who owns Twitter on paper was known to be tech billionaire and then-world’s richest man Elon Musk — but it was not fully known who was included in the full shadowy list of Twitter investors.
Thanks apparently to some terrible lawyering, the full list of Twitter investors via parent company X Corp has been unsealed during discovery for a legal case against Musk relating to non-payment of severance for employees he laid off after buying the company. In addition to the known in 2022 list below, we can now augment the Twitter investors list with more detail:
Joe Lonsdale — cofounder of Palantir with shadowy tech billionaire Peter Thiel, the primary financial backer of Trump’s VP pick JD Vance
Saudi Prince Alwaleed bin Talal
Jack Dorsey — one of the original founders of Twitter
Larry Ellison
Ross Gerber
Doug Leone
Michael Moritz
Changpeng Zhao
Security analyst and intelligence professional Eric Garland notes that beyond the notable billionaires on the list, the investor sheet can be largely read as “fronts for the dictatorships of Russia, China, Saudi Arabia, and others.” Tech pioneer turned investigative journalist Dave Troy’s take on the Twitter investor list reveal is that it shows “this platform is an instrument of information warfare.”
BREAKING: The full list of investors in X Corp has been unsealed. See them for yourselves. Some investors Include ownership stakes from Saudi Arabia and a slew of VC funds. pic.twitter.com/HIhLYxqBIJ
This is one of those stats that’s sure to be both repeated and disbelieved, courtesy of Bill Clinton’s speech at the phenomenal DNC 2024 last night: since the end of the Cold War in 1989, the cumulative tally of job creation between the two parties is not even close: 50 to 1. Out of the 51 million jobs that have been created since then, about 50 million of them can be attributed to Democrats (under Clinton, Obama, and Biden who account for 97.4% of the total), and only 1 million to Republicans.
That is a pretty stark objective review of right-wing economic ideology. Which is billed, by the way, as “job creating” policy. Trickle down economics, supply side, Reaganomics, libertarian theory, Mudsill Theory — by whatever name you call it, the policy of giving massive tax cuts to the rich while cutting spending on the middle class is supposed to magically create great prosperity for all. Instead, the numbers show the exact opposite — prosperity is not trickling down. It is in fact being hoovered up.
Since 1989, the U.S. economy has created 50 million jobs. What's the score?
I hope to write more about the overall amazing, vibrant, and joyful atmosphere of the DNC this year — delivering not just the strongest support for Kamala Harris and Tim Walz possible, but bringing back the sense of hope and optimism from the Obama years in the most refreshing and much-needed way. But for now I’ll just say that the Democrats are driving home this economic message that has already been wildly successful under Joe Biden: when we invest in the middle class, the economy truly does grow for everybody.
When the middle class is strong, America is strong. It’s a lesson we learned in the post-war era of the 1950s but have drifted away from since the 1970s when corporate leaders and big business interests mounted a concerted effort to turn the tide against the New Deal value system that lifted us out of the Great Depression and the economic policy that ushered in that broad distribution of wealth in the U.S.
It feels like the fever is finally breaking. The decades of epic gaslighting fomented by the merchants of doubt may have reached the peak disinformation tolerance of the American people. Here’s hoping the real economic stories will now get told — and that Americans will go to the polls this November and cast their ballots accordingly.
In an age where history is often twisted into a pretzel to fit the political narrative du jour, Heather Cox Richardson stands out as a truth-teller. She’s not just another academic tucked away in an ivory tower; she’s a historian with her boots on the ground (often literally, as she travels the country speaking about what she sees), dissecting the American past with surgical precision and connecting it directly to the chaos we’re living through today. Heather Cox Richardson books are like tours through the deep history behind the seemingly recent developments in US politics.
Richardson isn’t content to let history gather dust in old textbooks. No, she’s dragging it kicking and screaming into the present, showing us that the battles we’re fighting now—over democracy, race, and who gets to call the shots—are just the latest skirmishes in a war that’s been raging since the country’s inception. She doesn’t just recount the past; she wields it like a spotlight, illuminating the dark corners of our current political mess.
Her “Letters from an American” newsletter has become a lifeline for many who feel lost in the swamp of today’s political discourse. With each entry, she lays out the facts, cutting through the noise and reminding us that the problems we face aren’t new—they’re the bitter fruit of seeds planted long ago. But Richardson isn’t just about doom and gloom. She’s also about hope, about understanding the past so we can navigate our way out of the storm.
Why does her work matter so much right now? Because as we teeter on the edge of what sometimes feels like the unraveling of our democracy, Richardson offers us a lifeline: context. She shows us that the currents pulling us under have been swirling for centuries and that understanding them is the first step to changing the tide.
Richardson’s books are more than just historical accounts; they’re roadmaps that guide us through the muck of the present by showing us where we’ve been. Whether she’s unpacking the economic machinations of the Civil War, tracing the GOP’s evolution from Lincoln’s party to today’s fractured entity, or exposing how Southern oligarchy seeped into the national bloodstream, she’s always making one thing clear: history is not a straight line. It’s a loop, and if we’re not careful, we’ll find ourselves back where we started.
In a time when facts are up for debate and democracy is under siege, Heather Cox Richardson’s voice is not just important—it’s essential. She’s not just telling us what happened; she’s showing us what’s at stake. I look forward to immersing myself in the first three, but I’ve read the last 3 and wholeheartedly recommend them to anyone seeking to understand this current political moment and what’s at stake.
Summary: The book examines how the Republican Party’s economic policies during the Civil War shaped the United States’ economy and political landscape. Richardson argues that these policies, including the establishment of a national banking system and the introduction of a national currency, laid the groundwork for the modern American economy and solidified the Republicans’ control over the national government.
Summary: Richardson explores the Northern perspective on the Reconstruction era, focusing on how Northern attitudes toward race, labor, and politics contributed to the failure of Reconstruction. She argues that the North’s retreat from Reconstruction was driven by concerns about class and labor rather than race alone, leading to the abandonment of African Americans in the South.
Summary: This book extends the traditional narrative of Reconstruction beyond the South, exploring how the Civil War and its aftermath reshaped the entire nation. Richardson connects the experiences of people across the country, showing how the Reconstruction era led to the creation of a new American identity and a modern national government.
Summary: Richardson provides a comprehensive history of the Republican Party from its founding in the 1850s through the early 21st century. She traces the party’s evolution from a force for emancipation and national unity to its modern incarnation, examining the ideological shifts and internal conflicts that have shaped its trajectory.
Summary: In this book, Richardson argues that although the South lost the Civil War militarily, its ideology of oligarchy and white supremacy continued to shape American politics and society. She traces the spread of this Lost Cause ideology from the post-war South to the West and its eventual influence on national politics, culminating in the rise of modern conservative movements.
Summary: Richardson reflects on the current state of American democracy, drawing on her expertise in history and her popular “Letters from an American” newsletter. She examines the challenges facing the country in the era of Trumpism, including political polarization, disinformation and misinformation, conspiracy theories, and the erosion of democratic norms, while also offering hope and a path forward based on historical lessons.
Kamala Harris is poised to break that glass ceiling that Hillary Clinton cracked and I am so here for it. She was my Senator when I lived in California and I appreciated her energy back then — and I would be thrilled for her service as the first woman president.
And I’m by no means the only one — from White Dudes for Harris to Republicans for Harris to Mormons for Harris, to Democratic groups up and down the spectrum, there is renewed energy in this election and momentum has been building even since Biden’s decision to step down from the race.
The selection of Tim Walz as her running mate adds yet another layer of awesomeness — with his folksy small town dad appeal, military service, midwestern charm, and zingy comebacks and catchy takedowns of Trump and Vance as “weird,” he seems to be bringing a hefty punching up vibe to the campaign.
Meanwhile, all the Orange Man and emo beardo seem able to do is sling racist and sexist insults at Kamala, or attempt a cheap knockoff of the swiftboating of John Kerry with Walz’s military service that’s been swiftly and resoundingly debunked. People aren’t falling for it.
Imagine if the momentum carries us all the way to a blue wave, and a Democratic Congress… we could perhaps have nice things! Time to put shoulders to the wheel. Give whatever time and money you can, if you can.
Christian nationalism, a belief system that intertwines national identity with Christian faith, has been a significant force in American history — and the Christian nationalism timeline may go back further than you think. It erroneously asserts that the United States is fundamentally a Christian nation and should be governed by biblical principles.
This flawed ideology has influenced various aspects of American life, from politics to education, and continues to shape the discourse around national identity and public policy. Understanding the evolution of Christian nationalism provides critical insights into its current manifestations and implications for the future.
In recent years, the resurgence of Christian nationalism has become more visible and influential in American politics. The events of January 6, 2021, and the Big Lie rhetoric surrounding the 2020 presidential election highlighted the power and reach of this movement. With key figures like Russell Vought and organizations like Project 2025 advocating for policies that align with their interpretation of Christian values, it is essential to examine the timeline of Christian nationalism to grasp its roots, growth, and contemporary relevance.
Vote them out, while we still can
Then, get to the polls and take everyone you know with you. Do not allow the right-wing to establish a theocracy in this country — no matter what your faith (or lack thereof), we have common interest in preventing any one faith from informing the US government.
Just because they say the words “Christian nation” does not alter the actual history in which the founders were deists who were adamant about keeping the political and religious spheres separate — having seen the ills it can cause to entwine them. Is America a Christian nation? No. We rejected the divine right of kings, very consciously and loudly so at the time. It is easy to pick up this sentiment in the writings of the founders both inside and outside of the founding documents.
Christian nationalism timeline
1607 — The Jamestown Colony is established in Virginia. Early settlers bring a mix of Christian beliefs that will influence American culture.
1620 — The Pilgrims arrive on the Mayflower, establishing the Plymouth Colony. They seek religious freedom after being persecuted for their lack of conformity to the Anglican church in England, and establish a community based on their Puritan beliefs.
1630 — John Winthrop delivers his sermon “A Model of Christian Charity,” articulating the vision of America as a “city upon a hill,” influencing the concept of a Christian nation.
1730-1740s — The First Great Awakening, a series of religious revivals, sweeps through the American colonies, strengthening evangelicalism.
1776 — The Declaration of Independence is signed. The Founding Fathers, while influenced primarily by Enlightenment ideas, also incorporate some Christian principles.
The Christian nationalist movement has been coalescing itself over the past 50 years (and more), partly in the shadows and partly very publicly through scandals and political strife. This list of Christian nationalism books aims to cover both ends of the spectrum.
Christian nationalism overlaps and shares some common cause with the white nationalism movement and nationalism ideologies more broadly in the US.
Here are some of the best resources I’ve found to navigate the zealous yet fragile world of Christian nationalism, so far:
The Power Worshippers: Inside the Dangerous Rise of Religious Nationalism by Katherine Stewart is a comprehensive examination of the growing influence of Christian nationalism in US politics. Stewart delves into the movement’s origins, tracing its development from fringe ideology to a dominant force shaping contemporary policy and societal norms. She uncovers the network of religious leaders, political operatives, and plutocratic donors who are driving this agenda, revealing their strategies to mobilize voters, influence legislation, and reshape the American legal system. Through meticulous research and vivid storytelling, Stewart exposes the ways in which this movement seeks to undermine the separation of church and state, imposing a specific religious worldview on a diverse populace accustomed to enjoying their freedom of religion.
In the book, Stewart highlights how Christian nationalism is not merely a cultural phenomenon but a deliberate, coordinated, and concentrated political effort. She provides detailed accounts of how the movement capitalizes on issues such as abortion, LGBTQ rights, and religious liberty to galvanize support and exert pressure on political leaders. Stewart argues that this agenda poses a significant threat to democratic values and pluralism, advocating for vigilant resistance to protect the integrity of the nation’s secular institutions. By intertwining personal narratives with in-depth analysis, “The Power Worshippers” offers a critical look at the implications of religious nationalism for the future of American democracy.
Unholy: How White Christian Nationalists Powered the Trump Presidency, and the Devastating Legacy They Left Behind by Sarah Posner is an incisive exploration of the alliance between white Christian nationalists and Donald Trump. Posner meticulously documents how this group, driven by a fervent belief in their self-declared divine mandate, played a pivotal role in Trump’s election and subsequent administration. She explores the historical roots of this movement, its theological underpinnings, and the powerful figures who have shaped its direction. Through extensive interviews and detailed reporting, Posner reveals how white Christian nationalists leveraged their significant influence to advance a political agenda that aligns with their religious convictions, often at the expense of democratic norms and minority rights.
Posner’s book delves into the complex relationship between Trump and his evangelical supporters, showing how their mutual needs and ambitions created a symbiotic bond. She illustrates how this unhealthy alliance has led to policies and judicial appointments that reflect the priorities of white Christian nationalists, such as restrictions on reproductive rights, opposition to LGBTQ equality, and the dismantling of church-state separation. “Unholy” also examines the broader cultural impact of this movement, highlighting the ways it has contributed to the polarization and division within American society. Through a blend of investigative journalism and sharp analysis, Posner provides a compelling narrative about the enduring and troubling legacy of this powerful political alliance.
The Immoral Majority: Why Evangelicals Chose Political Power Over Christian Values by Ben Howe is a critical examination of the evangelical support for Donald Trump and the apparent contradiction between their political choices and their professed Christian values. Howe, an evangelical himself, delves into the reasons why a significant portion of the evangelical community embraced a candidate whose behavior and rhetoric often starkly contrasted with traditional Christian teachings. Through personal anecdotes, interviews, and keen analysis, Howe explores how the pursuit of political power and cultural influence led many evangelicals to compromise on key moral and ethical principles.
In the book, Howe argues that the evangelical community’s alignment with Trump reveals a broader shift within American Christianity, where political expediency has overshadowed the core tenets of the faith. He critically examines how issues such as abortion, religious liberty, and conservative judicial appointments were used to justify unwavering support for Trump, despite his moral failings. Howe also addresses the long-term consequences of this alliance, suggesting that the evangelical movement’s credibility and moral authority have been significantly undermined. “The Immoral Majority” offers a thought-provoking reflection on the intersection of faith and politics, challenging readers to consider the true cost of prioritizing political power over spiritual integrity.
White Evangelical Racism: The Politics of Morality in America by Anthea Butler is a compelling exploration of the historical and contemporary intersections between white evangelicalism and racism in the United States. Butler meticulously traces the roots of evangelical racism back to the 19th century, highlighting how racial prejudice and discriminatory practices were often justified through religious rhetoric and beliefs. She examines the ways in which white evangelicals have historically supported segregation, opposed civil rights, and upheld systems of racial inequality, all while professing a commitment to Christian morality.
Butler’s book also delves into the modern political landscape, showing how white evangelical racism has influenced contemporary politics, particularly in the support for Donald Trump. She argues that white evangelicals have frequently prioritized their racial and cultural interests over the inclusive values they claim to uphold. Through a blend of historical analysis and modern political critique, Butler demonstrates how racism has been an enduring element of white evangelical identity and political engagement. “White Evangelical Racism” challenges readers to confront the moral contradictions within the evangelical movement and consider the broader implications for American society and politics.
White Too Long: The Legacy of White Supremacy in American Christianity by Robert P. Jones is a profound examination of the deep-seated connections between white supremacy and American Christianity. Jones, a religious scholar and CEO of the Public Religion Research Institute, utilizes historical research, sociological data, and personal reflections to trace the ways in which white Christian churches have perpetuated racial inequality and supported systems of oppression. He argues that white supremacy is not just a historical aberration but a defining characteristic of American Christianity that has shaped its institutions, doctrines, and practices.
In the book, Jones explores how white Christian communities have often resisted racial integration and civil rights, aligning themselves with ideologies that uphold racial hierarchies. He provides a detailed account of how these communities have used theology to justify segregation, discrimination, and violence against people of color. Jones also addresses the contemporary implications of this legacy, urging white Christians to confront and repent for their complicity in racism. By blending personal narrative with rigorous scholarship, “White Too Long” challenges readers to acknowledge the pervasive influence of white supremacy within American Christianity and to seek genuine reconciliation and justice.
Wrapped in the Flag: A Personal History of America’s Radical Right by Claire Conner is a poignant memoir that delves into the rise and influence of the radical right in American politics, with a particular emphasis on its hardline Christian stance. Claire Conner, whose parents were staunch members of the John Birch Society (JBS), provides a deeply personal perspective on how the JBS’s extreme conservative and religious ideologies shaped her upbringing and the broader conservative movement. Through her narrative, Conner exposes the Society’s fervent anti-communism, its use of fear-mongering tactics, and its uncompromising quest for political power, all underpinned by a strict interpretation of Christian values.
In the book, Conner recounts her childhood in a household where the JBS’s radical Christian beliefs were not only embraced but fervently promoted. She explores how these beliefs drove the Society’s opposition to civil rights, its promotion of segregation, and its rejection of any form of progressive social change. Conner reflects on the broader implications of this hardline stance, showing how the JBS’s combination of political extremism and religious zealotry influenced the modern conservative movement. “Wrapped in the Flag” serves as both a personal memoir and a critical historical analysis, offering readers an insightful look at the roots of America’s radical right and its enduring impact on contemporary politics, especially through its integration of rigid Christian ideology.
One Nation Under God: How Corporate America Invented Christian America by Kevin M. Kruse is an insightful exploration of the strategic alliance between corporate America and religious leaders to promote a Christian identity for the nation. Kruse meticulously traces the origins of this partnership back to the mid-20th century, revealing how business leaders and conservative politicians collaborated with prominent clergy to counter the New Deal and the growing influence of secularism. By championing the idea that America was founded as a Christian nation, they sought to foster a moral framework that aligned with free-market capitalism and conservative political values.
Kruse’s book delves into how this orchestrated campaign reshaped American public life, embedding religious language and symbols into the political and cultural fabric of the nation. He details how corporate-funded initiatives popularized practices such as adding “under God” to the Pledge of Allegiance and “In God We Trust” on currency, effectively merging religious faith with national identity. Through a combination of historical research and engaging narrative, “One Nation Under God” uncovers the deliberate efforts to create a Christian America from whole cloth, highlighting the lasting impact of this movement on contemporary politics and society. Kruse’s work challenges readers to reconsider the origins of America’s religious rhetoric and its potentially dangerous implications for the nation’s democratic principles.
The Kingdom, the Power, and the Glory: American Evangelicals in an Age of Extremism by Tim Alberta is a penetrating examination of the evolving role of evangelicals in American politics, particularly in the context of rising extremism. Alberta, a seasoned political journalist and former Evangelical, provides a comprehensive analysis of how the evangelical movement has increasingly aligned itself with radical political ideologies, often prioritizing political power over traditional Christian values. He explores the complex dynamics within the evangelical community, highlighting the tensions between maintaining religious integrity and engaging in partisan battles.
Alberta’s book offers a detailed account of key events and figures that have shaped the current evangelical landscape, from the Moral Majority and the rise of the religious right to the influence of prominent evangelical leaders in the Trump era. He delves into the ways in which evangelicals have embraced extreme positions on issues such as immigration, LGBTQ rights, and religious liberty, often at odds with the inclusive message of Christianity. Through rigorous reporting and insightful commentary, “The Kingdom, the Power, and the Glory” challenges readers to understand the deep-rooted factors driving evangelical political engagement and the implications for American democracy. Alberta’s work provides a critical perspective on the intersection of faith and politics in an age of increasing polarization and extremism.
The initiative seeks to undo over a century of progressive reforms, tracing back to the establishment of a federal administrative framework by Woodrow Wilson, through the New Deal by Roosevelt, to Johnson’s Great Society. It proposes a significant reduction in the federal workforce, which stands at about 2.25 million people.
Project 2025 plans
Essential measures include reducing funding for, or even abolishing, key agencies such as the Department of Justice, the FBI, the Department of Homeland Security, and the Departments of Education and Commerce. Additionally, Project 2025 intends to bring semi-independent agencies like the Federal Communications Commission under closer presidential control.
At its heart, Project 2025 aims to secure a durable conservative dominance within the federal government, aligning it closely with the principles of the MAGA movement and ensuring it operates under the direct oversight of the White House. The project is inspired by the “unitary executive theory” of the Constitution, which argues for sweeping presidential authority over the federal administrative apparatus — in direct contradiction with the delicate system of checks and balances architected by the Founders.
It is also inspired by religious fervor (and the cynical exploitation thereof) — and Project 2025 has brought together a pantheon of Christian nationalist organizations and groups to draft policy that could be implemented with alacrity, select potential appointees for the administration, build networks with GOP at the state and local levels — and with right wing groups and networks around the world.
Project 2025 goals
To realize their extremist, authoritarian goal, Dans is actively recruiting what he terms “conservative warriors” from legal and government networks, including bar associations and offices of state attorneys general. The aim is to embed these individuals in key legal roles throughout the government, thereby embedding the conservative vision deeply within the federal bureaucracy to shape policy and governance for the foreseeable future.
Jesus commanded us to love our enemies. The vitriol of our politics — the violent rhetoric, the animosity, the refusal to engage in democratic deliberation — is not loving our enemies. It seems to me that Christian nationalism isn’t very Christian, in word or deed.
Jesus hated fame, loathed fortune, and eschewed power. So many of these fake Christians and Christian nationalist groups fundraising for the profane idol of Trumpism are drunk on all three.
They’ve tied capitalism and Christianity together in a way that is both wholly unsupported by the Bible and wholly antithetical to the foundational idea of growing the size of your market, not shrinking it. Jesus threw the moneylenders out of the temple, condemning the commercialization of religious practice. And yet the commercialization of religious practice is alive and well in the American version of Christian nationalism.
Jesus loved the poor, and frequently warned about the dangers of wealth and greed. He told the parable of the Good Samaritan, who stops to help a total stranger in need, expecting no help in return — and said “go and do likewise.” He was very much an original Social Justice Warrior.
Politics and spirituality are opposites
Jesus also said to render unto Caesar what is Caesar’s, and to God the things that are God’s — indicating that he believed politics and spirituality were not a good mix. God’s realm is not like this one, and he does not care about our petty political trifles. He cares that we love our neighbors as ourselves.
Which is a value I believe in and agree on, even though I’m a Buddhist. There is much wisdom from pretty much all the religious doctrines worth listening to and adopting, even if one does not adopt the symbolism of the identity tropes of a chosen religious practice. Morality does not depend on being a member of the Christian faith or any other particular faith — despite the claims of some in the right-wing. There are moral people everywhere, getting up every day and doing their best to be good humans, good citizens, good neighbors, good parents, friends, volunteers, and so on.
Humans first, tribes second
We have to put our humanity ahead of our group identities if we have a chance of surviving the coming wars — the climate war, the food and water wars, the new cold war, lawfare, and new escalations of the information warfare and psychological warfare around the globe. We are all more alike than we are different — a deep truth that Jesus knew and shared strongly, asking us to live and share that message ourselves, even when it’s sometimes hard.
Biden gave a fiery speech in Detroit today and pitched his plan for his second term’s first 100 days, if given a Democratic Congress. Which would mean that by around May of 2025 we could have the following nice things:
Continue to lead the world in the climate change energy transition
It sure sounds like a far cry from whatever fiery white supremacist death zone backed by ravenous billionaires would be unleashed upon us in Trump‘s first 100 days (only 1 of which, we are led to believe, would be as a dictator… sure, Jan). It is the opposite direction of the literal End Times hellscape vision of Project 2025 and its Christofascist propagandists who have abused the American Evangelical church to the point of being unrecognizably distant from anything Christ himself taught.
Vote blue no matter who
I’m bored with the obsession over Biden’s age. He’s 81, he’s not 101. He certainly still passes the Turing Test to me — others apparently see something different. Superagers can go a long time these days — Charles Koch is 88 and leads both an oil empire and a conservative dark money juggernaut. Rupert Murdoch is 93 and only last year stepped down from leading one of the world’s largest media empires.
I don’t think there’s anyone in the world who can match Joe Biden’s foreign policy experience, having been at the table on major world events for decades now. He knows everybody — and has warm relationships with our allies. Unlike Trump, who has spurned everyone America has cherished and cozied up to (other) two-bit dictators with tiny hands syndrome. Biden is holding up the Western order against a revanchist Russia seeking to erode the post-Cold War consensus and spread the forces of authoritarianism widely around the globe — Trump would simply hand Ukraine to Putin and welcome the wave of illiberalism to wash over his slavering Project 2025 belligerents.
I think we urgently need Joe Biden’s unparalleled experience at this moment in history — no one else can match it. Although now Kamala Harris is no slouch in that regard either, given her 4 years of jetting around the globe as VP, years in the Senate before that, years as California AG, and a decade as the District Attorney of San Francisco before that. If Biden decides at some point in the next 4 years to stand down and hand the reins to Harris, that would be a fantastic outcome. In the meantime, why don’t we give the man some respect for his own self-assessment?
Expecting this banned books list will be ongoing, unfortunately…
Book bans represent a significant threat to the First Amendment by restricting access to diverse ideas and viewpoints, which are essential to a free and democratic society. These bans orchestrated by right wing groups often target literature that addresses complex and sometimes controversial themes such as race, sexuality, and political ideologies, under the guise of protecting young readers.
However, this form of censorship undermines intellectual freedom and the right to read, leading to a homogenized culture that stifles critical thinking and open dialogue. The American Library Association (ALA) and PEN America have documented thousands of instances where books have been removed from school and public libraries, reflecting a concerted effort by certain groups to impose their moral or political standards on the wider community, thus eroding the foundational principles of free expression enshrined in the First Amendment.
At least, not according to what Republicans promised when they passed them. The Trump tax cuts didn’t work to grow the economy, increase revenues, alleviate the debt, or benefit ordinary Americans as alleged.
The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA) was introduced by then-Speaker of the House (and fiscal hawk) Paul Ryan and signed into law by then-President Donald Trump on December 22, 2017. It permanently reduced the corporate tax rate from 35% to 21%, and lowered the overall tax for all brackets — seems fair, right? Except the wealthy walked away with 50 times the amount of tax benefit as the lower brackets.
Trump tax cuts add $1.5 trillion to the deficit
Not only did the tax cuts not raise revenue as promised — they became a liability on the balance sheet when almost immediately going into the red. The Joint Committee on Taxation (JCT) estimated the TCJA would add approximately $1.5 trillion to the federal deficit over 10 years, after accounting for any temporary growth effects. The national debt will rise to accommodate as we borrow money to make up the shortfall between earnings and expenditures.
The Trump tax cuts reduced federal tax revenue, with significant declines in corporate tax receipts (surprise, surprise!). They did the exact opposite of what they promised to do — leaving our economy in a more precarious position even before the pandemic hit.
Who benefited from Trump’s tax cuts?
Conservatives and right-wing economists claim that tax cuts will help ordinary people by raising wages. In reality, however, corporations instead used their tax windfalls to do other things: stock buybacks, dividends, and executive pay. In fact, this happens over and over again each cycle of empty promises from so-called “fiscal conservatives” who in large part know exactly what they do.
They seem to believe they are entitled to the lion’s share of America’s money (as they have been since at least Mudsill Theory in 1858 and even before) and by gum, nothing is going to stop them — not democracy, not a sense of decency, not a sense of institutional preservation as used to be the very core pillar of Conservatism. No longer. Now it’s a will to power and to plunder. It’s not so much trickle down as it is hoover up.
Reaganomics, Trickle down, Laffer curve, Supply-side economics — it’s all the same
The magical revenue-generating power of tax cuts has been long promised and never delivered by right-wing Republicans. Since the 1980s edition, Reaganomics — the economic “theory” drafted on the back of a cocktail napkin dubbed the Laffer Curve for the slightly drunken man who scribbled it — has moved immense amounts of wealth upwards into the hands and coffers of the 1% and 0.1% at the expense of the masses.
The argument is that rich people will take the extra billions in returned tax money and use it to innovate and grow the economy — except that never happens. And why would they? They don’t have to earn revenue the old-fashioned way, through free market competition — they can just sit back on their laurels, buy a Senator or two, and rake in a huge windfall every few years that a GOP officeholder is in the White House. It is rock solid orthodoxy for the right-wing now, that tax cuts are almost the only policy initiative they care about — along with a side of deregulation and the slashing of the social safety net.
We’ve seen this movie before. The rich guys take the money and run — in many ways literally, into the arms of tax-free havens like the Cayman Islands or Seychelles. They do not return it to the American economy — although they do inject it into American politics, to skew the playing field even further in their favor despite already extracting extraordinary privileges and benefits to themselves from all aspects of their coziness with the political elite and their direct capture of various institutions.
As LBJ once said:
“If you can convince the lowest white man he’s better than the best colored man, he won’t notice you’re picking his pocket. Hell, give him somebody to look down on, and he’ll empty his pockets for you.”
President Lyndon Baines Johnson, 1960
The economic elites are dividing us over race and religion, in order to pick our pockets. This is why we can’t have nice things. We should boot them out and have nice things.
A historic day on Thursday, May 30, 2024 as the first former President in US history became a convicted felon. Found guilty on all 34 counts, Donald Trump finally faces the music for the first of his election-related criminal trials. Already the Trump trial disinformation machine is spinning up on the right, making wild claims about a politicized process.
The investigation into Trump’s fraudulent payments to Stormy Daniels actually began with Michael Cohen on July 18, 2017, when his bank First Republic Bank tipped off the FBI to some suspicious activity from the Trump’s fixer’s accounts. That investigation led to a 3-year sentence for Cohen for the same exact crime. Way back in 2018, we knew that “Co-conspirator 1” was Donald Trump — and now he has been convicted of that crime.
The federal case inspired an investigation into Cohen’s finances by the state of New York, where both he and the business were located. Manhattan DA Alvin Bragg inherited the case from former prosecutor Cy Vance, who began investigating Trump way back in 2018 after Cohen’s guilty plea, when Cohen admitted in court to making the hush money payments to adult film actress Stormy Daniels during Trump’s 2016 campaign. Vance ultimately declined to make a decision on the case before leaving office in 2021, leaving it open for his successor Alvin Bragg.
Bragg, a graduate of Harvard Law School, focused on fraud and money laundering cases during his tenure as a prosecutor at the Southern District of New York. He also led the team at the NY Attorney General’s office that secured a $2 million judgment and the dissolution of the Trump Foundation in 2019 for misuse of Trump’s charitable foundation. After looking at the facts of the hush money case, he ultimately decided that it was much bigger than simply paying off a porn star: “it’s about conspiring to corrupt a presidential election.”
The concept of “prebunking” emerges as a proactive strategy in the fight against disinformation, an ever-present challenge in the digital era where information spreads at unprecedented speed and scale. In essence, prebunking involves the preemptive education of the public about the techniques and potential contents of disinformation campaigns before they encounter them. This method seeks not only to forewarn but also to forearm individuals, making them more resilient to the effects of misleading information.
Understanding disinformation
Disinformation, by definition, is false information that is deliberately spread with the intent to deceive or mislead. It’s a subset of misinformation, which encompasses all false information regardless of intent.
In our current “information age,” the rapid dissemination of information through social media, news outlets, and other digital platforms has amplified the reach and impact of disinformation campaigns. These campaigns can have various motives, including political manipulation, financial gain, or social disruption — and at times, all of the above; particularly in the case of information warfare.
The mechanism of prebunking
Prebunking works on the principle of “inoculation theory,” a concept borrowed from virology. Much like a vaccine introduces a weakened form of a virus to stimulate the immune system’s response to it, prebunking introduces individuals to a weakened form of an argument or disinformation tactic, thereby enabling them to recognize and resist such tactics in the future.
The process typically involves several key elements:
Exposure to Techniques: Educating people on the common techniques used in disinformation campaigns, such as emotional manipulation, conspiracy theories, fake experts, and misleading statistics.
Content Examples: Providing specific examples of disinformation can help individuals recognize similar patterns in future encounters.
Critical Thinking: Encouraging critical thinking and healthy skepticism, particularly regarding information sources and their motives. Helping people identify trustworthy media sources and discern credible sources in general.
Engagement: Interactive and engaging educational methods, such as games or interactive modules, have been found to be particularly effective in prebunking efforts.
The effectiveness of prebunking
Research into the effectiveness of prebunking is promising. Studies have shown that when individuals are forewarned about specific misleading strategies or the general prevalence of disinformation, they are better able to identify false information and less likely to be influenced by it. Prebunking can also increase resilience against disinformation across various subjects, from health misinformation such as the anti-vaccine movement to political propaganda.
However, the effectiveness of prebunking can vary based on several factors:
Timing: For prebunking to be most effective, it needs to occur before exposure to disinformation. Once false beliefs have taken root, they are much harder to correct — due to the backfire effect and other psychological, cognitive, and social factors.
Relevance: The prebunking content must be relevant to the audience’s experiences and the types of disinformation they are likely to encounter.
Repetition: Like many educational interventions, the effects of prebunking can diminish over time, suggesting that periodic refreshers may be necessary.
Challenges and considerations
While promising, prebunking is not a panacea for the disinformation dilemma. It faces several challenges:
Scalability: Effectively deploying prebunking campaigns at scale, particularly in a rapidly changing information environment, is difficult.
Targeting: Identifying and reaching the most vulnerable or targeted groups before they encounter disinformation requires sophisticated understanding and resources.
Adaptation by Disinformers: As prebunking strategies become more widespread, those who spread disinformation may adapt their tactics to circumvent these defenses.
Moreover, there is the ethical consideration of how to prebunk without inadvertently suppressing legitimate debate or dissent, ensuring that the fight against disinformation does not become a vector for censorship.
The role of technology and media
Given the digital nature of contemporary disinformation campaigns, technology companies and media organizations play a crucial role in prebunking efforts. Algorithms that prioritize transparency, the promotion of factual content, and the demotion of known disinformation sources can aid in prebunking. Media literacy campaigns, undertaken by educational institutions and NGOs, can also equip the public with the tools they need to navigate the information landscape critically.
Prebunking represents a proactive and promising approach to mitigating the effects of disinformation. By educating the public about the tactics used in disinformation campaigns and fostering critical engagement with media, it’s possible to build a more informed and resilient society.
However, the dynamic and complex nature of digital disinformation means that prebunking must be part of a broader strategy that includes technology solutions, regulatory measures, and ongoing research. As we navigate this challenge, the goal remains clear: to cultivate an information ecosystem where truth prevails, and public discourse thrives on accuracy and integrity.
